The recently held Voter Adhikar Yatra, organized by the Congress party alongside its INDIA alliance partners in Bihar, has significantly impacted the state’s political landscape ahead of the 2025 Assembly elections. The march, which began in Sasaram on August 17 and concluded with a Padyatra in Patna on September 1, aimed to spotlight the opposition’s claims of “vote chori” and the systemic denial of electoral rights by the ruling NDA and the Election Commission. To assess its impact, a field survey was conducted along the Yatra’s route in Bihar from August 27 to September 8 by People’s Pulse, a political research agency based in Hyderabad.
The survey employed systematic random sampling across 20 districts and numerous constituencies, engaging with locals in their communities to gauge sentiment. The results reveal a mix of enthusiasm, grievances, and entrenched caste loyalties that could ultimately influence the political future of the state. The Yatra attracted large crowds throughout Bihar, with villagers describing it as a “celebration,” noting it was uncommon for a member of the Gandhi family to visit their communities. Many participants attended at their own expense, primarily to see Rahul Gandhi and Tejashwi Yadav. Even some NDA supporters acknowledged the significant turnout, though certain upper-caste voters attempted to downplay its success.
The excitement was evident not just in rural areas but also in urban centers, where locals displayed Congress flags in unprecedented numbers over the years. For the INDIA alliance, the Yatra served as a morale booster, reinvigorating supporters across RJD, Congress, Left, and smaller allies like VIP. It provided limited-reach allies like VIP and the Left with an opportunity for broader visibility in Bihar. Although Tejashwi Yadav attracted larger crowds in specific areas, Rahul Gandhi’s appeal resonated more widely. His image, particularly among Dalits (excluding Paswans) and Muslims, has improved, with many viewing him as an honest leader and protector of their interests.
Interestingly, the Yatra also diminished the momentum of Prashant Kishor’s Jan Suraj campaign, which had been gaining traction in various parts of Bihar. However, despite the enthusiasm, there were notable frustrations. Many villagers expressed disappointment that Rahul Gandhi passed through their towns without stopping, making the Yatra feel more like a “race” rather than genuine outreach. In Tetri village, locals lamented their inability to meet or even see him despite his nearby overnight stay. In Ghorghat, Gandhi was set to unveil a statue of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, but his convoy hurried past. Changes in the route in Sultanganj left crowds waiting on the wrong road. In Narpatganj, the Yatra arrived after midnight and departed before dawn, leaving residents disheartened.
The absence of Rahul Gandhi in Sheikhpura further fueled local superstitions, linking it to a supposed “curse” on the Gandhi family. Regarding the key issue of vote chori (systemic irregularities in election results), public sentiment was sharply divided. While Muslims, Yadavs, and INDIA alliance supporters embraced the allegations, NDA voters considered them unfounded. Even among alliance backers, many struggled to articulate how the alleged fraud operated. The survey indicated that for most voters, pressing concerns such as jobs, development, caste dynamics, and candidate selection outweigh technical allegations. It highlighted that the Yatra has not fundamentally shifted entrenched caste-based voting habits. The NDA’s support base, comprising Kurmis, large segments of EBCs, and women associated with JIVIKA schemes, favors Nitish Kumar.
Forward castes, Baniyas, and many Paswans lean towards the BJP and Chirag Paswan. Conversely, the INDIA alliance’s core support remains among Muslims and Yadavs, while CPI-ML influences pockets of Dalits like Chamars and Harijans towards the alliance. Some Bhumihars and Brahmins back Congress, largely due to local leaders’ influence. Communities such as Kushwahas, Rajaks, and Bind-Mallahs exhibit divided loyalties. Notably, hardline BJP supporters expressed little affection for Nitish Kumar but showed strong backing for Chirag Paswan as a prospective leader. Thus, while the Yatra has energized the core supporters of INDIA, it has not successfully incorporated new social groups into the alliance. Among women voters, Nitish Kumar enjoys significant goodwill due to prohibition policies and welfare initiatives like JIVIKA.
Even women from the MY (Muslim–Yadav) bloc acknowledged their inclination towards the INDIA alliance out of community loyalty, while women from other castes remain firmly aligned with Nitish. The survey emphasized that seat-sharing and candidate selection will be pivotal. Respondents consistently indicated that candidate choice is more important than slogans. Many EBC voters mentioned they would support the INDIA alliance if they receive sufficient ticket representation. References to lessons from Uttar Pradesh’s “PDA formula” (by Akhilesh Yadav, which reduced Muslim–Yadav dominance in ticket distribution) were deemed relevant. However, observers cautioned that neglecting Yadavs in Bihar could backfire, especially given Tejashwi’s weaker hold on his base compared to Akhilesh in UP.
The Voter Adhikar Yatra succeeded in revitalizing opposition ranks, enhancing Congress’s visibility, and rekindling memories of the Gandhi family’s legacy in Bihar’s rural areas. It generated enthusiasm, offered exposure to smaller allies, and reminded voters of the INDIA bloc’s presence. Nonetheless, the assessment indicates that the Yatra has not disrupted Bihar’s entrenched caste dynamics. Local candidate strength, caste calculations, and basic socioeconomic issues will remain decisive in the upcoming 2025 Assembly elections. For the INDIA alliance, the message is clear: the Yatra ignited interest, but only strategic seat-sharing, careful ticket allocation, and ongoing local engagement can transform that initial spark into electoral success.