In Chandpura village, 32-year-old Seema Kumari cares for her newly acquired cow, her expression filled with optimism. “The budget was 40,000 rupees, but receiving an extra 10,000 strengthened my determination,” she states. “I was advised to invest this money in a business to eventually earn 2 lakh rupees. I bought a cow and plan to sell milk. If I receive more funds, I will purchase additional cows.” Seema’s experience echoes the hopes of over one crore Jeevika Didis in Bihar, who have received or are anticipating the government’s Rs 10,000 financial assistance. Launched shortly before the state elections, this initiative has sparked considerable political discussion, particularly following the NDA’s remarkable win with 202 seats.
This report from Raghopur, a constituency represented by RJD leader Tejashwi Yadav, illustrates the transformative impact of this financial support, the shortcomings of the system, and the implications of the promised Rs 2 lakh for marginalized women. Since the election results were announced, the aid for Jeevika Didis has ignited a new political controversy. Jan Suraj leader Prashant Kishor claimed that “60-62,000 women received Rs 10,000 directly in each assembly constituency,” urging the government to fulfill its commitment of 2 lakh rupees. To gauge the actual situation, we visited Raghopur block in Vaishali district, where approximately 500 women belong to the Gulabi Club under Jeevika.
When we arrived at Seema’s home, she was preparing fodder for her cattle, clearly proud of her status as a Jeevika Didi. She describes the Rs 10,000 as the first step towards fulfilling her dream. “I will sell milk, and if I get the remaining funds, I will buy more cows,” she asserts. Not all women, however, used the money for business ventures. Some directed it towards pressing household expenses. Rinku Devi, who has been with Jeevika for eight years, explains that she gave the money to her husband, a woodcutter, when he needed it.
“I received the funds during Chhath, and I handed it over to him.” At Sushila Kumari’s home, another Gulabi Club member, a new foot-operated sewing machine occupies a corner. “My sister-in-law and I both received the funds,” she notes. “I added 4,000 and bought this sewing machine, which is helpful for the household. If I receive 2 lakh rupees, I will expand my business.” Despite her aspirations, she feels disheartened that some women, including her group member Priya Kumari, an MSc graduate, have not received anything. Priya’s frustration is palpable. “I completed my KYC and haven’t borrowed from Jeevika, but the money hasn’t arrived,” she shares. “People say only those who voted received the aid.
I voted for BJP, but I got nothing. They told me it would arrive by December.” For older recipients, the funds provided temporary relief rather than facilitating business development. Sixty-year-old Suhagi Devi from Lalpur Tonk Panchayat mentions, “I bought fruits and food for Chhath, but then I fell ill. The rest went towards my treatment.” Her tone conveys both fatigue and acceptance. “How can we start a business? We need to survive first,” she laments. Another woman, Chinta Devi, who has been ill for an extended period, indicates that she spent the entire amount on medical tests and had to take additional loans. “My body doesn’t allow me to engage in any business,” she whispers.
Pintu Kumar, CEO of Vaishali Swayamsiddha Mahila Vikas Swavalambhi Sahakari Samiti, states that more payments are anticipated soon. “Funds will be released every Friday. Many did not receive their money due to mismatches in Aadhaar and bank records. Direct Benefit Transfer only functions properly with exact matches,” he explains. He adds that some women possess multiple bank accounts: “At times, the money ends up in an inactive account. We advise everyone to verify all accounts.” Regarding the 2 lakh rupees, Jeevika Vaishali DPO Divya Kumari explains that the support will be strictly linked to business activities. “Women provided their business details while applying for the Rs 10,000. After verification, support will be given in 3–4 installments of Rs 50,000 each.
They must have business documentation, a GST number, and a separate bank account,” she affirms. Only women who establish a business and demonstrate progress will be eligible. The opposition has labeled this as an “election bribe.” Bihar Pradesh Jeevika Cadre Union State President Pradeep Singh contends that the aid was politically motivated. “This 10,000 rupees was given for election victories, winning votes while people overlooked unemployment and migration,” he states. Congress spokesperson Gyanranjan suggests that the Jeevika Didis “functioned like political operatives,” questioning the continuity of such schemes during the Model Code of Conduct. In defense, JD(U) spokesperson Neeraj Guddu outrightly dismisses the allegations. “The opposition has demeaned women by calling this a bribe.
This funding is for their advancement,” he asserts. He points to new programs aimed at supporting women entrepreneurs: “For every 100 Didis, there is one coordinator. Rural fairs will promote products made by Jeevika Didis for export. If someone starts a business with 10,000 rupees, how is that a crime?” Guddu insists that the 2 lakh promise is genuine and contingent on business development. The situation in Raghopur presents a varied landscape: many women utilized the Rs 10,000 as initial capital for their enterprises, while others allocated it for essential needs or medical costs. A significant number are still awaiting their payments, and the promise of 2 lakh remains elusive, linked to documentation and verification.
Amidst the political backdrop, the underlying sentiments of aspiration and uncertainty are evident. For individuals like Seema, the journey has commenced, while Priya continues to wait. For countless Jeevika Didis throughout Bihar, the Rs 10,000 has instilled both hope and challenging questions regarding empowerment, accountability, and political motives.